The strange bedfellows shaping American Big Tech competition policy

One of my favorite statues in America's capital is 'Man Controlling Trade' by Michael Lantz, outside the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) building in Washington, DC.

FTC biographer Marc McClure wrote, "The horse, representing big business...symbolizes the federal government...which...forces the horse to submit its power to a useful purpose."

This symbolic depiction reflects New Deal-era aspirations for a powerful federal government. While modern interpretations may vary, they underscore the historical belief in the government's role as a regulator of industry.

How governments encourage or control commerce is endlessly fascinating to me.

This debate between encouragement and control plays out today in real-time.

This time, it is not just the New Dealers playing the leading role but a moxie collection of policymakers and elected officials from the political extremes shaping American Big Tech competition policy.

Strange bedfellows are no oddity in the political arena, but when a cause merges the energies of disparate ideological realms, it's a clear sign of a political sea change.

This shift is embodied by the improbable convergence of Lina Khan, the progressive chair of the FTC, with a burgeoning faction of Republican admirers.

These "Khanservatives," as they fancifully dub themselves, are rewriting the GOP's relationship with corporate America.

It's a fascinating political event. Youthful, fearless, and Trump-leaning Republicans are crossing the aisle to embrace the ideals of progressive enforcers like Khan. But make no mistake; this is no fleeting dalliance; it's a fundamental question about the American economy's structure and who controls it.

Does the US government want to encourage or control commerce?

Answering this question is not a matter of mere political expediency. Representative Matt Gaetz (R-FL), who gave Khan a platform on his Newsmax program, crystallizes the sentiment with his blunt assertion: juggling the roles of corporate acolytes and champions of the working class is a tightrope act the GOP can no longer afford. There's a burgeoning recognition among Republicans that standing shoulder to shoulder with big business is a pact that has forsaken the American worker, diluted free speech, encouraged wokeness, and manufactured a liberal corporate hegemony at odds with their constituent's blue-collar, lunch pail values.

These grievances echo a broader conservative concern that paints multinational corporations as adversaries rather than allies. Such a turnabout has complex roots—a discontent within the younger conservative ranks that starkly contrasts with their predecessors' laissez-faire inclinations. Today's politics is for a more assertive government that tempers the excesses of unbridled markets and plants the populace's interests above the whims of corporate moguls.

Senator Marco Rubio's (R-FL) speaks of "pro-American capitalism" — which favors the common good over the interests of Wall Street — and Governor Ron DeSantis's (R-FL) selective targeting of companies like Walt Disney for acting too 'woke' for the voter's of his state, spotlight a crusade not just for economic recalibration but for reclamation of values deemed as essential and to define better what it means to be a "real American."

The Heritage Foundation throws its considerable conservative clout behind this thinking. As reflected in their Project 2025 manifesto, the foundation has seen a departure from laissez-faire commerce to a call for an aggressive reining of multinationals and Big Tech. Such thinking reflects an ideological realignment that heralds implications beyond mere corporate governance; it signals a re-envisioning of the American Dream itself—a new New Deal.

Navigating this convergence has its challenges. Progressives and the "Khanservatives" may indeed want big business controlled like Lantz's horse outside of the FTC building, albeit for divergent reasons—worker rights and corporate avarice stir progressives; conservatives lament cultural liberalism and increased wokeness.

As communication pros navigate this evolving political environment, the bipartisan tide against multinational corporations — an alliance that nods toward historical precedents where economic restructuring spurred unlikely cooperatives. And while the immediate battlegrounds may be the sprawling corners of Big Tech, the war is for nothing less than the soul of American capitalism, namely how governments encourage or control commerce.

This burgeoning anti-Big Tech alliance suggests that the question is not whether the current economic structure will change but how—and at what pace. The "conservatives" are more than a momentary political quirk; they may be harbingers of a new order, the architects of the next economic and political revolution.

While this collection of strange bedfellows may not reach its full political potential, its emergence reflects our times—an undercurrent of voters' desires for commerce that serves all.

As the political debate evolves, it challenges us to reimagine our expectations and renegotiations with commerce, raising a critical question: what form of capitalism do we desire for the future of America—and Americans?

Enjoy the ride + plan accordingly.

-Marc

How Lenin, Hayek, and Keynes can help us navigate the struggle for economic supremacy in 2024

The early 20th century was a period of unprecedented global upheaval and ideological battles.

The devastation of two World Wars, the rise of Communism, and the Great Depression shattered long-held beliefs in capitalism's inherent stability. In this time of upheaval, the very concept of the "Commanding Heights"—critical economic sectors deemed essential for national power—became a central point of conflict between competing economic philosophies.

Vladimir Lenin's 1922 vision of the "Commanding Heights" rested on state ownership and central control. Nationalizing industries like coal, steel, oil, and banking was intended to drive rapid industrialization while ensuring social equality. Yet, the allure of central planning extended beyond the Soviet Union. In the aftermath of World War II, as Europe struggled to rebuild, government-directed economic development held a powerful appeal.

The end of World War II sparked a fierce clash of visions, particularly within war-ravaged Europe. Should devastated nations follow a centrally planned path toward Soviet-style modernization? Or should they focus on rebuilding their private sectors, aided by American assistance like the Marshall Plan? This question was further complicated by Harry Dexter White's pro-Soviet leanings within the US Treasury – evidence that the ideological battles extended even within the halls of American power.

Shattered economies, unemployment, and social unrest made capitalism seem morally bankrupt. Governments stepped into the void left by the collapsed private sector. Many intellectuals, inspired by the apparent success of Soviet five-year plans, believed central planning offered a path to full employment and technological progress.

Against this tide, economist Friedrich Hayek argued that central planning was a recipe for economic ruin. He believed attempts to replace market prices with centralized decisions would lead to inefficient resource allocation and stifle innovation. While Hayek's warnings initially seemed out of step, his focus on institutions and the rule of law would later gain significant influence.

John Maynard Keynes offered an alternative to both the free-market capitalism of the past and Communism's full embrace of central planning. His theory focused on stimulating demand during crises through government deficit spending. He argued that if private investment dried up, governments must fill the gap to prevent economic collapse. Keynesianism provided a seemingly elegant and intellectual approach to managing a mixed economy, balancing state intervention with market mechanisms.

Meanwhile, Clement Attlee's election victory in the UK in 1945 was decisive. Nationalizing key industries, Attlee's Labour Party pursued a vision of a socialist "New Jerusalem" with ambitious welfare policies. The British experiment held immense symbolic value, demonstrating the appeal of a democratic path toward greater state control over the economy.

As the 20th century unfolded, the "Commanding Heights" framework became less rigid. New challenges emerged, particularly as globalization reshaped national economies.

Yet, even with today's complex global economy, the core questions remain:

What is the optimal balance between government intervention and free markets?

How can economies ensure both stability and innovation?

What economic institutions best foster long-term prosperity?

Understanding the intellectual giants of the past and post-World War II economic and social struggles is vital for all senior executives and communications pros working in today's interconnected business environment.

The economic ideas of the last century continue to shape our global business landscape, demanding careful thought, strategy, and communication in navigating this century.

Enjoy the ride + plan accordingly.

-Marc

Big Tech has four main challenges that must be addressed

The meteoric rise of Big Tech has fundamentally changed our lives.

Big Tech has woven itself into nearly every aspect of our daily experiences, from how we communicate and shop to how we vote. Yet, amidst their massive influence, there's a growing sense of trouble brewing for Big Tech. The public's perception has shifted, and the good vibes are fading.

These are the most prominent challenges I currently see facing Big Tech:

1. Dwindling trust

Data breaches, privacy scandals, and an increasing sense that Big Tech puts profit far ahead of users have eroded public trust. People are no longer willing to take tech companies at their word—they demand transparency and genuine concern for user welfare. Big Tech's struggle for trust hinges on its ability to put people first and prioritize safeguarding user data, even if it means sacrificing some short-term gains in the process.

2. Exaggerating self-importance

Big Tech sometimes believes they are the answer to every societal ill imaginable. While technology can be transformative, there's a line between innovation and hubris. Exaggerated claims of tech-based solutions to deep-rooted human problems often lead to disappointment and foster mistrust. Big Tech needs to acknowledge the limitations of technology, focusing on its strengths as a tool for progress rather than a panacea for all social and political challenges.

3. Wrong messengers delivering the wrong messages

The image of socially awkward tech leaders or the stereotypical tech-bro culture does little to inspire public confidence. Big Tech struggles with relatability and genuine connection to the average person. Instead of showing off at SXSW in Austin, Texas, Big Tech would be better served by asking how they can make connections at Eastern Market in Detroit, Michigan. Messages about transforming the world often come across as out-of-touch when not aligned with how most people grapple with day-to-day concerns. Big Tech would be better served by diversifying their voices and crafting messaging that aligns with users' realities.

4. Overcoming the "so what" and better connecting the relevance of new Tech

New tools, dazzling features, and ever-faster product iterations risk alienating users if the "why" gets lost. Big Tech must go beyond selling the next big thing and instead focus on how their technology improves people's everyday lives. When the answer to "So what?" is fuzzy or focuses on Tech for Tech's sake, Big Tech is losing precious opportunities to connect and engage.

Big Tech's challenge is a wake-up call.

Since the 2008 economic crisis, Edelman's research has tracked a steady erosion of institutional trust, a widening divide between the masses and elites, and a concerning spread of misinformation.

This unstable environment poses a significant challenge for Big Tech as it pushes aggressively into Artificial Intelligence (AI).

Consider this: the 2024 Edelman Trust Barometer reveals that trust in traditional authorities is crumbling. Average citizens ("people like me") are now seen as equally trustworthy (74%) as scientists when it comes to information about new technologies. When change feels too rapid, regular people (72%) are deemed more trustworthy than scientists (67%). This underscores a deep public skepticism facing Tech innovation.

AI already polarizes even the most knowledgeable experts. Big Tech faces immense hurdles in gaining widespread public trust, especially as it banks its future on AI-driven solutions. Edelman's data is alarming: 43% of people will actively reject products and services using AI if they perceive this technology as poorly managed. The socioeconomic divide worsens things, with trust in AI among high-income Americans at 43% compared to a dismal 27% among low-income Americans.

To chart a path toward positivity, Big Tech must:

+ Prioritize ethics and transparency: Building systems with inherent respect for user privacy and human-focused design is paramount.

+ Demonstrate actual value: Focus on technology that solves real problems and measurably improves people's lives.

+ Champion diverse voices: Be inclusive and build a diverse network of surrogates and engaging speakers to build a community to serve.

The age of blind faith in Big Tech is coming to a close.

Addressing these core challenges will allow Big Tech to regain its footing and build a future based on genuine trust and positive impact.

Enjoy the ride + plan accordingly.

-Marc