Putin and Xi: Look to Beijing for the real reason behind the Ukraine invasion

Marc Ross + Michael Keane

The Hill Opinion Editorial

March 14, 2022

Many observers explain Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as Russian President Vladimir Putin’s nostalgic desire to reconstitute the boundaries of the Soviet Empire. We believe such an explanation is straightforward, consistent with Russian history — and completely wrong. This “Hot Tub Time Machine” take on Putin’s motivation is as erroneous as it may be comforting to the many Cold War-era policymakers who still populate think tanks in Washington.

In their 2012 debate, former President Obama famously dismissed now-Sen. Mitt Romney’s (R-Utah) concern about Russia as “the 1980s calling to ask for their foreign policy back.” Obama was, of course, as wrong as he was snarky, but understanding what’s driving Russia’s strategic threat today is even more important than Romney’s vindication that Moscow is indeed a menace. And for that we would direct everyone’s attention to China, its business model and its interest in Taiwan.

Russia and China have an overlapping strategic interest in taking down the United States, as well as complementary business needs. China’s simple business model is to buy and import commodities and then to make and sell mass-produced goods, which it exports to the world. In other words, China seeks to import every commodity traded on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and manufacture every good sold at every retail store in the Mall of America.

China is the world’s biggest exporter of mobile phones, computers, electronic integrated circuits, solar power diodes, semiconductors and automotive parts. Conversely, China is the world’s biggest importer of commodity food products and natural resources, including oil and strategic minerals, which are produced in abundance in Russia (and Ukraine).

Importantly, this business model demands that commodities be sourced globally without disruption or significant friction to feed both the assembly lines inside China’s manufacturing plants and the workers staffing them. The slightest hiccup on the conveyor belt and Chinese leader Xi Jinping becomes Lucille Ball in the chocolate factory. Replace the slapstick comedy with a likely coup and you can understand that Xi probably lives in a constant state of anxiety.

Xi wakes up every day with a lengthy grocery list of food products and natural resources he needs to keep the populace employed and the manufacturing plants humming — and most of this grocery list arrives by sea. The second-largest economy in the world has over 60 percent of its trade traveling by water.

China’s economic security is highly dependent on freedom of movement for cargo traveling through the Strait of Malacca, which connects the South China Sea and, by extension, the Pacific Ocean with the Indian Ocean.

Now enter Beijing’s own political objective: Taiwan. Any military adventure that Xi deploys in an effort to unify the “breakaway province” of Taiwan with China likely would be met with an almost immediate sea blockade. Such dependence on the sea is an unacceptable vulnerability for China’s business model; hence, Xi’s desire to create a land bridge for food products and natural resources.

But how to pivot from the sea to the land? That’s where Putin comes in. The former KGB agent is a man of special operations and dark arts, with the sentimentality of a crime syndicate boss, which in reality is what he is. Think of Putin not as the leader of a country, but more of a mob enforcer for his country’s organized criminals (oligarchs) and now for Xi, a fellow autocrat with his own near-abroad target in Taiwan.

Putin has exhibited a willingness to make the Russian military an enforcement arm for bad actors. For years Russian troops have supported Bashar Assad in Syria and, just a couple of months ago, Putin’s soldiers also acted forcefully in Kazakhstan to quash a movement to overthrow the government.

It is best to see Putin not as some nostalgic madmen seeking to reconstitute the Soviet Empire, but as a clear-eyed mobster using his military might to expand his crime syndicate’s business relationships by cozying up to the growing economic powerhouse that is Xi’s China. Note also that China has enormous investments in Ukraine and would benefit from an even greater stake there.

So, Putin controls enough petroleum resources, minerals and wheat to guarantee Xi’s conveyor belts can keep humming. At the same time, even a Chinese feint toward Taiwan may be enough to cause the United States and NATO to falter in Ukraine and relieve pressure on Putin’s forces there or be able to yield a negotiated settlement that is favorable to Moscow.

This Russia-China relationship marries China’s mercantile business model with Putin’s mercenary military — a marriage of convenience and commerce. Xi is happy to outsource the messiness of a war and the social ostracism to Putin, and the mobster of Moscow is happy to oblige. This time it’s not the 1980s calling; it’s “The Godfather.”

+ Marc Ross is the founder of Caracal, a geopolitical business communications firm. He was communications director for the US-China Business Council. Follow him on Twitter @marcaross.

+ Michael Keane is an adjunct professor at the Pepperdine University School of Public Policy teaching foreign policy. He is the author of “The Dictionary of Modern Strategy and Tactics.”

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Good data alert | Fog of war: How the Ukraine conflict transformed the cyber threat landscape

Nearly one year ago, Russia launched an attempted full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

From the start of this full-scale invasion, offensive and defensive cyber operations have played a prominent role in the conflict.

To provide more insights into the role of cyber, Google has released a report entitled: Fog of war: How the Ukraine conflict transformed the cyber threat landscape.

The report is based on analysis from Google’s Threat Analysis Group (TAG), Mandiant, now part of Google Cloud, and Google Trust & Safety.

You can access the report here.

Insights I found compelling:

+ Google has donated 50,000 Google Workspace licenses for the Ukrainian government, a rapid Air Raid Alerts system for Android phones in Ukraine, support for refugees, businesses, and entrepreneurs, and measures to pause monetization indefinitely and significantly limit recommendations globally for several Russian state news media across our platforms.

+ The Ukrainian government is under near-constant digital attack.

+ The level of collective defense  between governments, companies, and security stakeholders worldwide  is unprecedented.

+ This report outlines three significant observations: (1) Russian government-backed attackers have engaged in an aggressive, multi-pronged effort to gain a decisive wartime advantage in cyberspace, often with mixed results; (2) Moscow has leveraged the full spectrum of information

operations — from overt state-backed media to covert platforms and accounts — to shape public perception of the war, and (3) The invasion has triggered a notable shift in the Eastern European cybercriminal ecosystem that will likely have long-term implications for both coordination between criminal groups and the scale of cybercrime worldwide.

+ Together, these observations point to several broader assessments for the security community from now on: (1) Russian government-backed attackers will continue to conduct cyber attacks against Ukraine and NATO partners to further Russian strategic objectives; (2) Moscow will increase disruptive and destructive attacks in response to developments on the battlefield that fundamentally shift the balance — real or perceived — towards Ukraine; and (3) Russia will continue

to increase the pace and scope of information operations to achieve the objectives described above, particularly as we approach critical moments like international funding, military aid, domestic referendums, and more.

+ It is clear that cyber will now play an integral role in future armed conflict, supplementing traditional forms of warfare.

+ Since the war began, Google has seen an over 300% increase in Russian phishing campaigns directed against users in NATO countries in 2022 (compared to a 2020 baseline).

+ The GRU’s most versatile operators do it all: From intelligence collection, destructive network attacks, and contributing to information operations.

+ The war caused Chinese government-backed attackers to shift their focus towards Ukrainian and Western European targets to gather information on the conflict.

+ Google has seen a resurgence of hacktivism and Russian intelligence connection to hacktivists.

+ Information operations (IO) targeting domestic Russian audiences have seen a spike in shoring up support in Russia for the war and praising Wagner Group.

+ During the war, Google has observed a pattern of concurrent disruptive attacks, espionage, and IO — likely the first instance of all three being conducted simultaneously by state actors in a conventional war.

+ The cybercriminal ecosystem has been disrupted, with some groups declaring political allegiances, others splitting into geopolitical lines, and prominent operators shutting down.

If you need help overcoming the fog of war with actionable geopolitical intelligence, Caracal is here to help.

Enjoy the ride + plan accordingly.

-Marc


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