The business case for a Chief Geopolitics Officer

When JPMorgan Chase launched its Center for Geopolitics in May 2025, naming Derek Chollet, a counselor to former Secretary of State Antony Blinken and chief of staff to former Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, to lead it, CEO Jamie Dimon was blunt: "Our greatest risk is geopolitical risk." The unit's advisory board reads like a national security all-star roster: former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mark Milley.

This move wasn't corporate theater. It was recognition of a fundamental shift in global business.

Citigroup followed suit, bringing on Robert Lighthizer, Trump's former trade representative. McKinsey and Russell Reynolds report surging demand among Fortune 500 companies for executives with geopolitical expertise, often recruited from military, intelligence, and government backgrounds. These moves signal that the assumptions underpinning global commerce for three decades have shattered.

The data confirms what boardrooms increasingly understand. The Geopolitical Risk with Trade Index has surged approximately 30% since 2020, compared to the previous two decades. The Global Supply Chain Pressure Index has nearly tripled. The use of sanctions has more than tripled since 2019. Restrictions on exports of industrial raw materials increased fivefold between 2009 and 2023, now targeting not just military items but also cutting-edge technologies such as semiconductors, AI, and quantum computing.

Companies that once worried primarily about exchange rates and regulatory compliance now navigate trade wars, sanctions, export controls, nationalist boycotts, and populist leaders who prize political theater over economic rationality. In this environment, ignorance of geopolitics isn't just risky, it's reckless.

We have entered an era defined by geoeconomic fragmentation and exponential innovation. Established cooperative frameworks are under pressure, requiring more dialogue, imagination, and entrepreneurship to maintain momentum. Technology deploys at unprecedented speed, with companies playing ever-greater roles in shaping outcomes.

As Edward Fishman, author of Chokepoints: How the Global Economy Became a Weapon, observes, companies are increasingly "instruments of geoeconomic policy." Yet they retain agency through advocacy and compliance efforts, thereby shaping how policy is developed and implemented.

The challenge extends beyond managing discrete crises. Rupert Younger, who founded Oxford University's Centre for Corporate Reputation, notes: "Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, we have lived in a world characterized by remarkably stable geopolitics. Now geopolitical complexity and unpredictability are back, but today's boards, executives, and corporate-affairs teams have little muscle memory for navigating these volatile conditions."

Karthik Ramanna, professor of business and public policy at Oxford, captures the strategic dilemma: "If you don't play the short game, you're not around to play the long game, but if you only play the short game, you'll find yourself outcompeted by your peers in the long term."

Consider Apple. The company built an empire on "Designed by Apple in California. Assembled in China," A subtle geopolitical message suggesting the real innovation remained American while mass assembly leveraged Chinese efficiency. That model is breaking down. The company is expanding into India and Vietnam, enhancing supply chain resilience while courting U.S. allies.

Even pedestrian regulations carry geopolitical weight. When Brussels mandated USB-C ports across consumer electronics, Apple lobbied hard, arguing that "strict regulation mandating just one type of connector stifles innovation." Brussels was unmoved. Apple SVP Greg Joswiak acknowledged reality at a WSJ Tech Live conference: "Governments get to do what they're gonna do. Obviously, we'll have to comply. We have no choice."

He's right. Governments have changed the rules, and companies have no choice but to comply.

Despite mounting evidence, most corporations remain woefully unprepared. Geopolitical advisory units and risk analysts too often occupy ancillary roles peripheral to core decision-making—consultants writing reports that gather dust, government affairs departments focused on tactical lobbying rather than strategic anticipation.

What's needed is fundamental restructuring: a Chief Geopolitics Officer (CGO) at the C-suite level with a seat at the table where decisions get made daily. This isn't about adding another layer of compliance. It's about integrating political intelligence into every major business decision, be it capital allocation, supply chain design, or market entry strategy.

The CGO role addresses systemic risks that traditional risk management cannot handle. This executive must understand how governments think, how regulators operate, how political crises unfold, how voters respond, and how to navigate all four simultaneously. They require sophisticated intelligence capabilities, scenario-planning expertise, and the authority to shape corporate strategy in real time as geopolitical conditions evolve.

Rising expectations of corporate patriotism add another dimension. Business leaders who spent careers in hyperglobalization must now balance global operations with alignment with home-country geoeconomic agendas. In Europe, "lobbying" carries negative connotations and is replaced by "advocacy" or "active engagement." You're packaging the same activities differently to be culturally effective.

US businesses must prepare for an era of endless tit-for-tat tariffs, restructured supply chains, and elevated interest rates driven by geopolitical instability. This requires four strategic imperatives:

First, integrate geopolitical intelligence into core strategy. This means elevating political risk analysis from a compliance function to a strategic driver. Every significant investment, partnership, and market decision must account for regulatory shifts, sanctions risk, and diplomatic tensions.

Second, build supply chain resilience through geographic diversification. The era of optimizing purely for efficiency is over. Companies must balance cost considerations with geopolitical stability, cultivating supplier relationships across multiple jurisdictions and political alignments.

Third, engage governments and stakeholders proactively. Reactive crisis management no longer suffices. Companies need sustained dialogue with policymakers in Washington, Brussels, Beijing, and other power centers, shaping policy before it shapes them.

Fourth, develop internal capabilities for scenario planning and rapid response. The CGO must lead war-gaming exercises that stress-test business models against various geopolitical shocks, including sanctions escalation, intensification of trade wars, and regional conflicts that disrupt critical supply routes.

This interconnected geopolitical business environment demands specialized expertise.

Caracal Global is a geopolitical business communications firm that lives at the intersection of globalization, disruption, and politics—home of the world's most savvy participants. The firm specializes in Globalization + American Politics, providing Intelligence + Strategy + Communications services for senior executives, board members, and CEOs responsible for geopolitics, corporate affairs, public affairs, stakeholder engagement, and communications. Led by a Michigan-born, DC-based global business advocate with experience in US and UK national political campaigns, US-China commercial relations, NATO, and media engagement, Caracal Global helps Fortune 1,000 companies navigate today's interconnected business environment where commerce and statecraft have become inseparable.

Geopolitical risk has crossed the threshold from manageable concern to core strategic challenge. The most forward-thinking companies already recognize this reality and are acting accordingly. The question for every other CEO is simple: Will you establish the capabilities to navigate this new landscape before your competitors do, or will you learn these lessons the expensive way?

Alan Turing wrote in 1950: "We can only see a short distance ahead, but we can see plenty there that needs to be done." In today's geopolitical environment, that short distance requires constant vigilance, sophisticated analysis, and strategic agility. The companies that build these capabilities now will define the winners in tomorrow's geoeconomic competition.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.

When Europe and India trade: What the world's largest trade pact means for US business

When the European Union and India announced what they called "the mother of all deals" this week, the real headline wasn't the two billion consumers now linked in a free-trade zone. It was what the agreement revealed about America's diminishing role in shaping global commerce, and more critically, what that means for US companies navigating an increasingly fragmented world.

The numbers are massive. The EU-India pact creates the largest free-trade agreement by population, connecting economies that together account for more than a fifth of global GDP. European tariffs on Indian textiles, chemicals, and pharmaceuticals drop to zero. Indian tariffs on European cars, wine, and machinery disappear. Indian professionals gain easier access to European labor markets. European capital gets a more direct path into Indian manufacturing.

But strip away the feel-good talking points, and the real story emerges: this deal wouldn't exist without America's systematic dismantling of its own trade relationships. As Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney observed at Davos last week, the world's middle powers can no longer pretend a rules-based order exists to protect them under the US security umbrella. They're charting their own course, and US businesses and C-suite boardrooms are watching potential markets move on without American input.

How we got here

The EU and India first attempted this negotiation in 2007. They suspended talks six years later after reaching an impasse on market access, labor mobility, and environmental standards.

What changed? Three things:

1. China's emergence as a "systemic rival" rather than merely a manufacturing base

2. India's economy is tripling in size to $4.1 trillion

3. Donald Trump's 50% tariff on India—among the highest levies Washington has imposed on any trading partner

That last factor proved decisive.

When the world's largest democracy faces punitive tariffs from its traditional security partner, it quickly finds new friends. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen framed it diplomatically: "In this increasingly volatile world, Europe chooses cooperation and strategic partnerships." Translation: when America becomes unpredictable, everybody else makes contingency plans and moves on.

The deal's timing is revealing. It follows the EU's free trade agreement with Mercosur countries, signed earlier this month. It parallels Canada's efforts to improve trade ties with China. The pattern is clear: US allies are systematically reducing their dependence on American markets and not accepting American unpredictability.

What this means for global business strategy

For US corporate leaders, the EU-India pact crystallizes three uncomfortable realities.

First, prepare for a world of persistent tariff instability and trade fragmentation. The era of steady liberalization is over. Companies must now navigate overlapping and often contradictory trade regimes, each with distinct rules, political dynamics, and strategic logic. The patchwork quilt of bilateral agreements is replacing multilateral frameworks, and each strand requires separate analysis, separate compliance, and separate stakeholder management.

Second, supply chain resilience now trumps supply chain efficiency. The old model—concentrating production in the lowest-cost locations and optimizing for just-in-time delivery—assumed stable political relationships and predictable trade rules. That assumption is dead. Companies need redundant suppliers across multiple jurisdictions, regional manufacturing capacity that can flex with political winds, and logistics networks designed to route around sudden disruptions. This costs more, like a lot more.

Third, interest rates and capital costs will remain elevated as geopolitical risk gets priced into everything. When India's foreign direct investment ratio drops from 2.4% to 0.7% of GDP over four years, that signals genuine investor caution about emerging-market exposure. When central bankers publicly question whether Federal Reserve emergency facilities remain apolitical tools, that suggests the "risk-free" rate isn't so risk-free anymore. Companies planning long-term investments must assume higher capital costs persist—and build strategies accordingly.

The intelligence imperative

The EU-India deal also highlights something subtler but equally important: the deals that didn't happen tell you as much as the deals that did. Agriculture remains largely excluded; the sector is too politically contentious for New Delhi or Brussels. India maintains more than 200 shifting tariff rates despite the agreement. Foreign investors still face excessive red tape and politically connected domestic conglomerates with a home-field advantage. As Johns Hopkins economist Shoumitro Chatterjee noted, India tends to negotiate shallow trade deals with many carve-outs and exceptions.

Understanding these nuances requires real intelligence, not speculation or headlines, but granular knowledge of what actually got negotiated, what got excluded, and why. It requires understanding how domestic politics in Brussels and New Delhi shaped the final text. It involves tracking which industries won market access and which faced continued barriers. And it requires knowing which stakeholders to engage, when to engage them, and how to frame your company's interests to align with their political imperatives.

This intelligence function can't be outsourced to commodity research or generic consulting. It requires specialists who live and breathe at the intersection of globalization, disruption, and politics. Policy pro who understands how trade policy gets made, how domestic constituencies shape international agreements, and how businesses can navigate the resulting complexity.

Embracing the new reality

The response to this environment isn't to retreat from international markets. Nor is it to pretend the old rules still apply. The answer is sophisticated, proactive engagement across multiple dimensions simultaneously.

Companies must engage governments where they operate, not just where they're headquartered. They must engage stakeholders who shape policy. Stakeholders include industry associations, labor unions, environmental groups, and regional development agencies. They must engage media and public opinion in markets that matter. And they must do all this while maintaining consistency in message, coherence in strategy, and credibility in execution.

This demands communications capabilities far beyond traditional corporate affairs. It requires understanding how different audiences process information, how various political systems respond to advocacy, and how to frame business interests in ways that resonate with local values and priorities. Get it right, and you shape the environment in which you operate. Get it wrong, and you become collateral damage in someone else's political fight.

The bottom line

When Europe and India finalize the "mother of all deals" without American involvement, smart CEOs don't just note the headline and move on. They recognize what the deal signals about the fracturing of global commerce, the multiplication of trade regimes, and the death of American trade certainty. They understand that success in this environment requires treating geopolitical intelligence as a core competency, building supply chains for resilience rather than efficiency alone, and engaging stakeholders with sophistication across multiple jurisdictions.

The comfortable world of predictable American leadership, stable trade frameworks, and low-cost global capital is gone. The question is whether business leaders will adapt quickly enough to what's replacing it. Those who do—who invest in real intelligence, diversify strategically, engage proactively, and communicate effectively—will find opportunities even in turbulence. Those who wait for stability to return will discover they've waited far too long.

At Caracal Global, we specialize in precisely these challenges. As a geopolitical business communications firm with experience in US and UK political campaigns, US-China commercial relations, NATO, and media engagement, we help senior executives responsible for geopolitics, corporate affairs, public affairs, stakeholder engagement, and communications navigate today's interconnected business environment. We provide the intelligence, strategy, and communications services that companies need when globalization collides with disruption and politics—where the world's most savvy participants operate. Because in a world where the rules keep changing, having expertise at the intersection of Globalization + American Politics isn't optional. It's essential for survival and success.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.

When Beijing purges generals, what CEOs should know

When China's second-highest military officer falls from grace amid allegations of espionage and corruption, CEOs should pay attention. The ouster of General Zhang Youxia—accused of leaking nuclear weapons program information to the United States and accepting bribes for military promotions—represents what one analyst called "the total annihilation of the high command." This isn't merely a Beijing palace intrigue story. It's a signal flare for every Fortune 1,000 company with exposure to China.

Since March 2023, approximately 20 Chinese generals have been purged. Six came from the Rocket Force, which controls China's arsenal of ballistic, hypersonic, and cruise missiles. More than 50 senior military officers and defense industry executives have been removed or placed under investigation over the past two and a half years. The purge has touched every branch: army, air force, navy, strategic missile force, paramilitary police, and major theater commands—including the one focused on Taiwan.

This represents the most aggressive dismantling of Chinese military leadership since the Mao Zedong era. Christopher Johnson of China Strategies Group assessed it as "unprecedented in the history of the Chinese military." That assessment matters because it reveals a fundamental aspect of China's internal dynamics—and, by extension, the stability of the geopolitical environment in which global businesses operate.

The control question

Remember the Chinese spy balloon that drifted across North America in 2023? The incident raised uncomfortable questions about who actually controls China's military. Did Xi Jinping approve that mission, or did the People's Liberation Army (PLA) act independently? The question wasn't academic then, and it isn't now.

The parallel to 2011 is instructive. When Defense Secretary Robert Gates visited Beijing to mend relations, the PLA unveiled a new stealth fighter hours before he met with President Hu Jintao—apparently without Hu's knowledge. The pattern suggests a recurring challenge: civilian control over military operations in China remains, at best, inconsistent.

Unlike America's National Security Act, which was implemented after World War II, China lacks comparable institutional safeguards. In the United States, the President serves as civilian Commander-in-Chief, with the Department of Defense managing military operations and Congress providing budgetary oversight. China's Central Military Commission concentrates power differently. Comprised almost entirely of high-ranking uniformed officers, it places ultimate authority in the Chairman—currently Xi Jinping—who often serves as the sole civilian member.

More fundamentally, the People's Liberation Army answers to the Chinese Communist Party, not the state itself. Its primary mission is ensuring the Party's survival. This "Party-Army" model creates a dual mandate: national defense and domestic political enforcement. In many ways, the PLA remains the Wild West in Beijing.

Business implications: Beyond the headlines

For corporate leaders, Xi's military purge carries implications that extend far beyond defense policy. It signals intensifying internal political pressures at a moment when global business already faces unprecedented complexity. Companies must now navigate not just US-China tensions, but uncertainty about China's internal stability and decision-making coherence.

The timing matters. With 18 months until the next Communist Party Congress in late 2027—which will select a new Central Commission and appoint a new Central Military Commission—Xi appears to be consolidating control and eliminating potential rivals. This consolidation occurs as American intelligence agencies unanimously assess that while Russia creates mayhem in Europe, only China possesses the capacity to mount a genuine global challenge to US interests.

Yet the PLA remains unprepared for conflict with the United States. China aims to "modernize" its armed forces by 2035 and make them world-class by 2049. The question for business leaders: Does Xi's military surge indicate preparation for global confrontation, or does it reveal that loyalty now trumps competence in Beijing's power structure?

Preparing for the new reality

Innovative companies recognize that this environment demands fundamental strategic recalibration. The era of endless tit-for-tat tariffs has arrived. Supply chain diversification is no longer optional. Interest rate volatility will persist as geopolitical risk premiums get priced into capital markets. Companies must engage governments and stakeholders across multiple jurisdictions with unprecedented sophistication.

This isn't your father's globalization. The old playbook—minimize political risk, optimize for efficiency, assume stable rules—no longer applies. Today's environment requires active navigation of geopolitical crosscurrents, real-time intelligence about shifting power dynamics, and communications strategies that account for multiple audiences across competing national interests.

Fortune 1,000 companies need to stress-test China strategies against scenarios ranging from continued integration to accelerated decoupling. They must evaluate exposure not only in manufacturing and sales but also in technology transfer, intellectual property, talent flows, and financial dependencies. The question isn't whether to maintain China operations, but how to build resilience against multiple potential futures.

Navigating complexity

Senior executives responsible for geopolitics, corporate affairs, and stakeholder engagement increasingly recognize they're operating in an environment where traditional risk management frameworks fall short. The interconnected nature of today's geopolitical business landscape demands specialized expertise at the intersection of global commerce and political dynamics.

This is precisely the domain where Caracal Global operates. As a geopolitical business communications firm, Caracal specializes in helping companies navigate the intersection of globalization, disruption, and politics. Led by a Michigan-born, DC-based advocate with deep experience in US and UK national political campaigns, US-China commercial relations, NATO, and strategic media engagement, the firm provides intelligence, strategy, and communications services designed explicitly for this moment.

Caracal Global's clients—senior executives at leading corporations—rely on the firm to transform geopolitical complexity into actionable strategy. Whether stress-testing supply chain alternatives, developing stakeholder engagement frameworks for multiple governments, or crafting communications that resonate across different political environments, Caracal brings expertise in both globalization and American politics to bear on the most challenging questions facing multinational enterprises today.

The bottom line

Xi Jinping's most significant domestic challenge is keeping the People's Liberation Army happy and in check. For CEOs, the challenge is understanding how that internal dynamic affects their business—and preparing accordingly. The old assumption that China's domestic politics stayed separate from international commerce no longer holds. Every purge, every power consolidation, every question about who controls what in Beijing ripples through global supply chains, market access decisions, and risk calculations.

The companies that thrive in this environment will be those that treat geopolitical intelligence as a core competency, not an afterthought. They'll build strategies that account for multiple scenarios. They'll engage stakeholders proactively across different jurisdictions. And they'll recognize that in a world of persistent uncertainty, the ability to navigate complexity becomes a competitive advantage.

When Beijing's generals fall, smart CEOs don't just watch. They recalibrate.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.