Lessons from The Post's Purge: Video is winning. Global is losing.

The Washington Post announced it would eliminate approximately 300 journalists—roughly one-third of its newsroom—including its entire Middle East team, foreign bureaus in key markets, and its storied sports and books sections. Executive Editor Matt Murray was blunt about the reason: "The company's structure is rooted in a different era. In areas such as video, the outlet hasn't kept up with consumer habits."

Translation: Video is happening, whether traditional journalists like it or not. The Buggles warned us in 1979 that "Video Killed the Radio Star." Now it's also killing the foreign desk.

For CEOs and communications professionals navigating global markets, this restructuring signals two fundamental shifts that demand an immediate strategic response: the bifurcation of journalism into incompatible models and the accelerating inadequacy of US-based media for understanding global business risk.

The bifurcation of media

The future of journalism is splitting into two irreconcilable paths. Either you're producing content that is niche, erudite, and expensive—specialized intelligence for sophisticated audiences willing to pay premium prices. Or you're producing content that is mass-market, unlettered, and bargain basement—optimized for volume, video views, and advertising revenue.

There is no middle ground left.

The Post is betting on the latter. Murray's memo to staff made clear the paper is pivoting toward "high-intent digital verticals" focused on technology, climate, and wellness content designed to drive subscriptions through SEO and video engagement. They're shuttering books and sports not because these sections lost readers, but because they don't fit an AI-integrated, video-first distribution model optimized for "consumer habits."

This is the same strategy driving every legacy outlet and notable, since The Post is facing a reported $177 million loss and a 50% drop in organic search traffic. When you can't compete with specialized boutiques charging $2,000 annually for proprietary analysis, you pivot to producing content that competes with TikTok and YouTube for attention. The result is a media landscape where nuanced geopolitical analysis and cultural context—the "soft power" signals that often precede political or market shifts—become luxury goods rather than widely available public resources.

For corporate communications professionals, this bifurcation creates a painful choice.

Do you invest in expensive, specialized intelligence services to maintain information advantage? Or do you accept that your competitors operating with superficial, video-optimized media summaries will miss critical developments until it's too late? The companies that make the right choice will maintain a strategic advantage. Those who assume high-quality geopolitical intelligence will remain freely available are making a costly mistake.

The American media's blind spot

The second trend is equally critical: US-based media outlets are systematically retreating from serious international coverage precisely when global business complexity demands the opposite.

When The Post eliminates its entire Middle East team and closes foreign bureaus while emphasizing that the remaining international presence will focus "almost exclusively on national security issues," they're describing a media environment increasingly incapable of serving multinational corporations.

This creates an urgent imperative for US business leaders and communications teams: you must diversify your information sources beyond American outlets. Relying exclusively on US media for international intelligence is professional malpractice.

Consider what you're missing when your news diet consists solely of domestic sources. The BBC provides unmatched global reach and cultural context across regions that American media ignores. Nikkei offers Asia-Pacific business intelligence that no US outlet matches. Bloomberg and the Financial Times deliver financial and regulatory analysis that connects the dots between markets. The Times of London, Sydney Morning Herald, and Singapore Straits Times provide perspectives on how international partners actually view US policy—insight you'll never get from Washington-centric reporting.

Even the New York Times and Wall Street Journal, despite their quality, ultimately filter global events through American interests and priorities. When The Post announces that its international coverage will emphasize national security over commercial developments, it's simply making explicit what's already implicit across US media: global news is framed through Washington's strategic lens rather than business reality.

For communications professionals developing stakeholder engagement strategies, this matters enormously. You cannot effectively engage European regulators, Asian partners, or Middle Eastern governments if your understanding of their priorities comes exclusively from US sources that explain how those regions affect American interests. You need to read what they read, understand what they value, and recognize how they perceive your company's actions within their political and cultural contexts.

What this means for strategy

The Post's restructuring is a forcing function. It eliminates comfortable assumptions about freely available, high-quality international intelligence. Communications professionals must now make deliberate choices about information sources, recognizing that media fragmentation creates real operational risk for companies navigating tariff volatility, supply chain restructuring, and government engagement across jurisdictions.

Caracal Global specializes in this intersection—helping clients navigate the geopolitical complexities of business through intelligence, strategy, and communications expertise grounded in globalization and American politics.

The video revolution and the retreat of US media from global coverage are not separate trends. They're symptoms of the same disease: the systematic degradation of shared information infrastructure in an era when complexity demands the opposite.

The companies that recognize this early, invest in diverse international sources, and build communications strategies around sophisticated rather than superficial analysis will maintain a competitive advantage. Those waiting for legacy media to reverse course will find themselves operating with information asymmetries that favor better-informed competitors.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.

The Musk merger: Why vertical integration is the new geopolitical strategy

When SpaceX acquired xAI this week to create a $1 trillion vertically-integrated behemoth spanning artificial intelligence, rockets, satellite internet, and social media, Elon Musk framed it as humanity's march to the stars. CEOs should read it differently. This is an MBA case study on how geopolitical complexity forces companies to consolidate control across supply chains, government relations, and other areas to avoid fragmentation risk.

Musk's memo to employees promised "the most ambitious, vertically-integrated innovation engine on (and off) Earth."

Strip away the sci-fi diction about "sentient suns" and Kardashev scales (a hypothetical method for ranking civilizations by their energy consumption), and the business logic becomes clear. In an era where AI development requires massive capital, regulatory approvals span multiple jurisdictions, and government contracts determine competitive advantage, controlling the entire tech stack, from hardware to software to distribution to political influence, this move isn't megalomania. It's risk management.

The deal reveals three strategic imperatives for how US businesses must operate in today's environment.

First, supply chain sovereignty matters more than efficiency. Musk plans to launch up to 1 million satellites for orbital data centers, claiming that space will offer lower computing costs within 3 years. Whether that's technically feasible is debatable. What's not debatable is the strategic logic: controlling your entire supply chain—from launch capabilities to energy sources to computing infrastructure—insulates you from trade wars, export controls, and geopolitical disruption. Companies that relied on "just-in-time" global sourcing learned this lesson painfully during the pandemic and Team Trump's tariffs. Musk is betting that vertical integration from Earth to orbit is the next evolution.

Second, government relationships are infrastructure, not incidentals. SpaceX is a principal defense contractor. xAI faces international investigations over Grok's content violations. Starlink wields geopolitical influence that makes world leaders nervous. The merger doesn't resolve these tensions; it amplifies them and strengthens Musk's long-term ambitions. For CEOs, the lesson is direct: When your business model depends on government contracts, regulatory approvals, and international operations, stakeholder engagement isn't a communications function. It's a strategic infrastructure requiring continuous investment, sophisticated coordination, and executive-level attention.

Third, expect persistent volatility, not temporary disruption. Musk's $250 billion acquisition of xAI comes as rival AI companies race to go public, investors speculate about an eventual Tesla integration, and SpaceX pursues both a public offering and lunar factories. This week's merger isn't an endpoint; it is just the start of Musk's plans for continuous consolidation, fragmentation, and reconfiguration.

Companies that build strategies assuming a return to stability are planning for the wrong future.

Caracal Global is a geopolitical business communications firm specializing in Globalization + American Politics, providing Intelligence + Strategy + Communications services for Fortune 1,000 senior executives navigating today's interconnected business environment where commerce and statecraft have become inseparable.

The Musk merger won't be the last time a billionaire consolidates private empires to navigate geopolitical complexity.

The question for every CEO is whether your company has the capabilities, relationships, and strategic flexibility to compete in this new hyper-geopolitical environment, or whether you're still optimizing for a world that no longer exists.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.

The business case for a Chief Geopolitics Officer

When JPMorgan Chase launched its Center for Geopolitics in May 2025, naming Derek Chollet, a counselor to former Secretary of State Antony Blinken and chief of staff to former Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, to lead it, CEO Jamie Dimon was blunt: "Our greatest risk is geopolitical risk." The unit's advisory board reads like a national security all-star roster: former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair, and former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mark Milley.

This move wasn't corporate theater. It was recognition of a fundamental shift in global business.

Citigroup followed suit, bringing on Robert Lighthizer, Trump's former trade representative. McKinsey and Russell Reynolds report surging demand among Fortune 500 companies for executives with geopolitical expertise, often recruited from military, intelligence, and government backgrounds. These moves signal that the assumptions underpinning global commerce for three decades have shattered.

The data confirms what boardrooms increasingly understand. The Geopolitical Risk with Trade Index has surged approximately 30% since 2020, compared to the previous two decades. The Global Supply Chain Pressure Index has nearly tripled. The use of sanctions has more than tripled since 2019. Restrictions on exports of industrial raw materials increased fivefold between 2009 and 2023, now targeting not just military items but also cutting-edge technologies such as semiconductors, AI, and quantum computing.

Companies that once worried primarily about exchange rates and regulatory compliance now navigate trade wars, sanctions, export controls, nationalist boycotts, and populist leaders who prize political theater over economic rationality. In this environment, ignorance of geopolitics isn't just risky, it's reckless.

We have entered an era defined by geoeconomic fragmentation and exponential innovation. Established cooperative frameworks are under pressure, requiring more dialogue, imagination, and entrepreneurship to maintain momentum. Technology deploys at unprecedented speed, with companies playing ever-greater roles in shaping outcomes.

As Edward Fishman, author of Chokepoints: How the Global Economy Became a Weapon, observes, companies are increasingly "instruments of geoeconomic policy." Yet they retain agency through advocacy and compliance efforts, thereby shaping how policy is developed and implemented.

The challenge extends beyond managing discrete crises. Rupert Younger, who founded Oxford University's Centre for Corporate Reputation, notes: "Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, we have lived in a world characterized by remarkably stable geopolitics. Now geopolitical complexity and unpredictability are back, but today's boards, executives, and corporate-affairs teams have little muscle memory for navigating these volatile conditions."

Karthik Ramanna, professor of business and public policy at Oxford, captures the strategic dilemma: "If you don't play the short game, you're not around to play the long game, but if you only play the short game, you'll find yourself outcompeted by your peers in the long term."

Consider Apple. The company built an empire on "Designed by Apple in California. Assembled in China," A subtle geopolitical message suggesting the real innovation remained American while mass assembly leveraged Chinese efficiency. That model is breaking down. The company is expanding into India and Vietnam, enhancing supply chain resilience while courting U.S. allies.

Even pedestrian regulations carry geopolitical weight. When Brussels mandated USB-C ports across consumer electronics, Apple lobbied hard, arguing that "strict regulation mandating just one type of connector stifles innovation." Brussels was unmoved. Apple SVP Greg Joswiak acknowledged reality at a WSJ Tech Live conference: "Governments get to do what they're gonna do. Obviously, we'll have to comply. We have no choice."

He's right. Governments have changed the rules, and companies have no choice but to comply.

Despite mounting evidence, most corporations remain woefully unprepared. Geopolitical advisory units and risk analysts too often occupy ancillary roles peripheral to core decision-making—consultants writing reports that gather dust, government affairs departments focused on tactical lobbying rather than strategic anticipation.

What's needed is fundamental restructuring: a Chief Geopolitics Officer (CGO) at the C-suite level with a seat at the table where decisions get made daily. This isn't about adding another layer of compliance. It's about integrating political intelligence into every major business decision, be it capital allocation, supply chain design, or market entry strategy.

The CGO role addresses systemic risks that traditional risk management cannot handle. This executive must understand how governments think, how regulators operate, how political crises unfold, how voters respond, and how to navigate all four simultaneously. They require sophisticated intelligence capabilities, scenario-planning expertise, and the authority to shape corporate strategy in real time as geopolitical conditions evolve.

Rising expectations of corporate patriotism add another dimension. Business leaders who spent careers in hyperglobalization must now balance global operations with alignment with home-country geoeconomic agendas. In Europe, "lobbying" carries negative connotations and is replaced by "advocacy" or "active engagement." You're packaging the same activities differently to be culturally effective.

US businesses must prepare for an era of endless tit-for-tat tariffs, restructured supply chains, and elevated interest rates driven by geopolitical instability. This requires four strategic imperatives:

First, integrate geopolitical intelligence into core strategy. This means elevating political risk analysis from a compliance function to a strategic driver. Every significant investment, partnership, and market decision must account for regulatory shifts, sanctions risk, and diplomatic tensions.

Second, build supply chain resilience through geographic diversification. The era of optimizing purely for efficiency is over. Companies must balance cost considerations with geopolitical stability, cultivating supplier relationships across multiple jurisdictions and political alignments.

Third, engage governments and stakeholders proactively. Reactive crisis management no longer suffices. Companies need sustained dialogue with policymakers in Washington, Brussels, Beijing, and other power centers, shaping policy before it shapes them.

Fourth, develop internal capabilities for scenario planning and rapid response. The CGO must lead war-gaming exercises that stress-test business models against various geopolitical shocks, including sanctions escalation, intensification of trade wars, and regional conflicts that disrupt critical supply routes.

This interconnected geopolitical business environment demands specialized expertise.

Caracal Global is a geopolitical business communications firm that lives at the intersection of globalization, disruption, and politics—home of the world's most savvy participants. The firm specializes in Globalization + American Politics, providing Intelligence + Strategy + Communications services for senior executives, board members, and CEOs responsible for geopolitics, corporate affairs, public affairs, stakeholder engagement, and communications. Led by a Michigan-born, DC-based global business advocate with experience in US and UK national political campaigns, US-China commercial relations, NATO, and media engagement, Caracal Global helps Fortune 1,000 companies navigate today's interconnected business environment where commerce and statecraft have become inseparable.

Geopolitical risk has crossed the threshold from manageable concern to core strategic challenge. The most forward-thinking companies already recognize this reality and are acting accordingly. The question for every other CEO is simple: Will you establish the capabilities to navigate this new landscape before your competitors do, or will you learn these lessons the expensive way?

Alan Turing wrote in 1950: "We can only see a short distance ahead, but we can see plenty there that needs to be done." In today's geopolitical environment, that short distance requires constant vigilance, sophisticated analysis, and strategic agility. The companies that build these capabilities now will define the winners in tomorrow's geoeconomic competition.

-Marc

*****

Marc A. Ross is a geopolitical strategist and communications advisor. He is the founder of Caracal Global and is writing a book entitled Globalization and American Politics: How International Economics Redefined American Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics.